But that deal broke down, and subsequent efforts to rescue it failed, leaving Farmajo still in Villa Somalia – the seat of government – when his mandate expired.įarmajo argues that the election delay wasn’t because he wanted to cling to power. With the clock ticking, the federal government and member states agreed in September to a revised indirect vote system that would provide wider participation than previous elections. He had broken the political dominance of the Hawiye clan, and he promised the next election would be under a “one-person, one-vote” system rather than the clan-based, indirect ballots of the past.īut the goal of universal suffrage was undermined by both a lack of political agreement, and because much of the countryside is under the control of the violent jihadist group al-Shabab. When Farmajo came to power in 2017, he was hailed as a reformer. The following provides an overview of Mogadishu’s political gridlock by explaining the main players who will be key to finding a way out of the crisis.
“A peaceful resolution to the elections impasse, coupled with improved security, can only facilitate humanitarian action and ensure greater reach and support to people in need.” “The recent political tension has only exacerbated the already alarming vulnerabilities faced by the people of Somalia,” Tareq Talahma, the head of the country office of the UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA, told The New Humanitarian. Insiders say both government and opposition forces are on edge and could remobilise as quickly as they stood down when all sides agreed to summit talks. Last week, Farmajo rejected a role for the African Union’s special envoy, whose participation the opposition regards as crucial. The goal is to build trust between deeply divided political rivals and move as quickly as possible to holding the delayed elections.īut the situation remains fragile. Gathering around the negotiating table with Farmajo will be members of the opposition and the leaders of Somalia’s five federal member states. After intense domestic and international pressure, Farmajo agreed to abandon his term extension plan and instead allow Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble to hold talks beginning on 22 May to broker a settlement. As many as 200,000 civilians fled the city, fearing the worst.īut this week could mark the beginning of a way out of the crisis. Some units peeled off to support the Hawiye-dominated opposition, taking control of large chunks of Mogadishu. What makes the situation so combustible is that the Somali National Army – despite years of donor-backed reforms – splintered along clan lines. It was a move backed by the country’s lower house, but not the upper house, and a furious opposition – led by two former presidents – says the extension is simply a power grab.
#Chaos insurgency series
The political crisis has come on top of a series of humanitarian disasters – the result of the long-running conflict with al-Qaeda linked insurgents al-Shabab, recent flash floods, and a predicted drought that, all told, will leave more than six million people in need of aid.Īt the heart of the dispute has been Farmajo’s determination to stay in office for two years beyond the end of his term on 8 February, ostensibly to enable the holding of delayed elections. The country teetered on the brink of all-out civil war. In late April, after months of political tensions, forces loyal to Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo” exchanged gunfire in Mogadishu with those fighting for the opposition.
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